By allying with Israel, Hargeisa is gambling its legitimacy, its security, and the memory of 200,000 martyrs on a partner that needs it far more than it admits.
There is a graveyard on the outskirts of Hargeisa that the locals call the Valley of Death. When heavy rains wash through the dry riverbed of Malko Durduro, human bones surface from the earth, the remains of a genocide that the world has largely forgotten. Between 1987 and 1989, Siad Barre’s regime systematically massacred 200,000+ members of the Isaaq clan, the heartland of what is now Somaliland. Cities were levelled. Half a million people were displaced. Death squads moved through the north with instructions, reported from Barre’s own son-in-law General Morgan, to “kill all but the crows.”
It was out of that ruin; that blood-soaked foundation; that Somaliland declared its independence in 1991. It built democratic institutions, peaceful elections, and a functioning state where none had existed. Its founding credo, forged in suffering, was existential: never again stand with the oppressor.
On December 26, 2025, that credo was quietly abandoned.
On that date, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced that Israel had become the first United Nations member state to formally recognise Somaliland as a sovereign nation. Hargeisa celebrated. Flags flew. But beneath the euphoria lies a strategic miscalculation of historic proportions; one that risks destabilising a fragile state, drawing it into a war that is not its own, and erasing the moral clarity on which its very existence rests.
A Strategic Transaction, Not a Friendship
Let us be clear about what Israel’s recognition of Somaliland actually is. It is not an act of solidarity, nor a principled acknowledgment of Somaliland’s democratic credentials or its decades-long struggle for legitimacy. It is, as analysts and Israeli defence think tanks have stated openly, a calculated security play.
Somaliland sits at one of the most strategically vital chokepoints on earth. Its port of Berbera overlooks the Gulf of Aden and the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, the narrow waterway through which roughly 12 percent of global trade passes. For Israel, whose Red Sea access has been repeatedly threatened by Houthi drone and missile attacks since October 2023, a foothold directly across from Yemen is not a diplomatic gesture. It is a military objective.
Israeli discussions about establishing a base in Somaliland reportedly began as early as 2024, mediated in part by the UAE. Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar visited Hargeisa in January 2026, the first senior Israeli official to do so, and described the relationship as a “strategic partnership.” By March 2026, Bloomberg was reporting that Israel was “quietly planning” for a military base at the mouth of the Red Sea to target the Houthis, describing Somaliland as the mechanism that made it possible.
This is the architecture of the deal: Israel gets an intelligence hub, a potential military base, and the capacity to project power across the Red Sea. Somaliland gets recognition, from one country. A country that, itself, is diplomatically embattled, internationally condemned over Gaza, and viewed across the Muslim and Arab world with deep hostility.
In the calculus of international recognition, Somaliland has traded the moral high ground; its greatest and perhaps only true diplomatic asset for a single vote in an empty room.

The Martyrs Did Not Die for This
Somaliland’s founding generation survived something close to annihilation. The Isaaq genocide is one of the most devastating and least-acknowledged mass atrocities of the 20th century. The bones in Malko Durduro are not metaphor. They are record. They are testament to what it cost in human lives, in generational trauma, in shattered families to bring Somaliland into existence.
The survivors who built Somaliland did so with a particular moral self-understanding: that they had suffered under a brutal, US-backed authoritarian regime, and that they would not replicate that logic. They would not side with power simply because power offered something in return. Their legitimacy was rooted not only in their administrative competence but in their identity as a people who had faced down oppression and refused to become its instrument.
To partner with Israel; which is currently engaged in a military campaign in Gaza that has killed tens of thousands of Palestinian civilians, destroyed hospitals, displaced nearly the entire population of the Strip, and drawn charges of genocide before the International Court of Justice, is to take a side in a conflict where the moral stakes could not be clearer. It is to tell the world that Somaliland’s founding principles were conditional. That they applied when convenient, and could be set aside when recognition was on offer.
The men and women buried in the Valley of Death deserved more than that.
Gaza and the Ongoing Catastrophe
One cannot discuss this partnership without confronting what Israel is doing right now. The Gaza Genocide, has produced a humanitarian catastrophe of staggering scale. Over 100,000 Palestinians have been killed, according to Gaza’s health authorities, with the majority being civilians. Entire neighbourhoods have been erased. Famine has been used as a weapon of war. Aid has been blocked. Journalists and aid workers have been killed in strikes.
Reports have also emerged linking the broader architecture of Israel’s post-war planning including its outreach to African nations to proposals for the forced displacement of Palestinians from Gaza. Somaliland’s own officials were reported, and subsequently denied, to have discussed with Israel and the United States the prospect of receiving Palestinian refugees. The foreign ministers of Egypt, Turkey, Somalia, and Djibouti issued a joint statement explicitly rejecting any such plan, calling it a violation of the most basic principles of international law.
Even if Somaliland had no part in those discussions, the optics are devastating. A Muslim-majority people who survived their own genocide are being asked to stand alongside the state accused of perpetrating one. The dissonance is not subtle.
The Houthi Sword Hanging Over Berbera
The most immediate and concrete danger in Somaliland’s new alignment is not reputational. It is physical.
Within 48 hours of Israel’s recognition, Houthi leader Abdulmalik al-Houthi issued an unambiguous warning: any Israeli presence in Somaliland would be considered “a military target for our armed forces.” The Houthis have already demonstrated that their reach extends well beyond Yemen’s borders. Since November 2023, they attacked over 100 commercial and naval vessels in the Red Sea, fired dozens of ballistic missiles and drones toward Israel, and killed civilians in Tel Aviv. They have struck energy infrastructure across Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Their military capability, enhanced through sustained Iranian and Hezbollah support, has grown substantially throughout the Gaza conflict.
For the Houthis, an Israeli military base in Somaliland would be, as one Norwegian professor of security studies put it, a “strategic nightmare”, a platform from which Israel could strike Yemen at proximity. They will not permit it to exist without a fight.
Somaliland has a small military, a minimal defence budget, and no established air defence capacity. It is, in military terms, extraordinarily exposed. The prospect of Houthi missiles or drones targeting Berbera, one of the most important ports in the Horn of Africa, and the economic artery of Somaliland’s fragile economy should be chilling to any responsible leader in Hargeisa. Yet the discussions about an Israeli military base in the territory continue, even as the threat is declared openly and on the record.
Somaliland did not survive the Isaaq genocide and thirty years of diplomatic isolation in order to become a front in someone else’s war.
Destroying Legitimacy to Gain Recognition
The supreme irony of Somaliland’s Israeli gambit is that it is likely to set back, not advance, the goal it is meant to serve: broad international recognition.
The backlash was immediate and sweeping. Egypt, Turkey, Qatar, Djibouti, Eritrea, and the Gulf Cooperation Council all condemned the move. China reaffirmed its support for Somalia’s “One Somalia” policy. Russia, which had recently been rebuffed by Somaliland in a diplomatic overture, watched with interest. Turkey deployed F-16 jets to Somalia. Somalia itself, which has never formally accepted Somaliland’s independence, called the Israeli recognition an “attack” on its sovereignty and a violation of international law. Egypt warned that recognising breakaway regions sets a “dangerous precedent” that undermines the foundations of the international system.
These are not fringe voices. They represent the institutional weight of the African Union, the Arab League, and the broader Muslim world, the very constituencies whose support Somaliland most needs if it is ever to achieve the multilateral recognition that would truly secure its future. By aligning with Israel, Hargeisa has, in a single move, handed ammunition to every government that has resisted its independence claim and alienated every regional actor that might have eventually come around.
The one country that has recognised Somaliland cannot offer it an AU seat, a UN membership, or protection from Somalia’s diplomatic offensive. What it has offered is the currency of geopolitical risk and Somaliland has accepted it.
The Body That Feels Every Wound
There is a hadith, recorded in both Sahih al-Bukhari and Sahih Muslim, narrated by al-Nu’man ibn Bashir, in which the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ described the community of believers: “The parable of the believers in their affection, mercy, and compassion for each other is that of a body. When any limb aches, the whole body reacts with sleeplessness and fever.”
This is not a rhetorical flourish. For Muslims across the world, the suffering of Palestinians is not a distant political issue. It is felt as bodily pain. The images from Gaza, the children pulled from rubble, the hospitals in ruins, the families starving under blockade, are not abstractions. They are wounds experienced collectively, across every border and every nationality that the Ummah encompasses.
Somaliland is a Muslim-majority society. Its people pray in the same direction as the people of Gaza. They fast in the same month. They understand, at a level deeper than politics, what it means to be a community under siege, to be made stateless, to have your existence denied by a more powerful neighbour.
To align with the state inflicting that suffering is not merely a political error. For the overwhelming majority of Somalilanders and the scholars and elders who carry the community’s moral conscience, it is a religious one. It violates the foundational obligation of solidarity that the hadith enshrines. It tells the rest of the Ummah that Somaliland’s membership in that body is conditional on its own interests. And it invites the question that will follow Somaliland’s leaders for years: when one limb was crying out in agony, why did you press down harder?
The Path Not Taken
None of this is to suggest that Somaliland’s desire for recognition is illegitimate. It is one of the most legitimate causes in contemporary international affairs. A people who survived genocide, built a democracy from nothing, and governed themselves peacefully for over three decades deserve to have their sovereignty acknowledged by the world.
But the path to that recognition does not run through Tel Aviv. It runs through Addis Ababa, through Nairobi, through the patient cultivation of African Union support, through demonstrated governance, through the kind of moral credibility that no single recognition can manufacture but that years of principled conduct can build.
Somaliland had that credibility. It was its most precious possession, more valuable than any port access deal, any technology transfer, any promise of water management training. It was what made Somaliland different. What made it worth recognising.
It would be a tragedy of the highest order if Somaliland, having survived the literal genocide of its people, were to lose what cannot be rebuilt, its identity as a state that stands on the right side of history, in pursuit of a recognition that risks bringing war to its shores, isolation from its neighbours, and the permanent association of its cause with one of the most contested and condemned military campaigns of the 21st century.
The bones in the Valley of Death demand more. The martyrs who made Somaliland possible deserved a nation that remembered why it was born.
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